St. Louis Post-Dispatch from St. Louis, Missouri • Page 14

6B ST. LOUIS POST-DISPATCH MONDAY, JULY 31, 1995 THE POST-DISPATCH PLATFORM I KNOW THAT MY RETIREMENT WILL MAKE NO DIFFERENCE IN ITS CARDINAL PRINCIPLES, THAT IT WILL ALWAYS FIGHT FOR PROGRESS AND REFORM, NEVER TOLERATE INJUSTICE OR CORRUPTION, ALWAYS FIGHT DEMAGOGUES OF ALL PARTIES, NEVER BELONG TO ANY PARTY, ALWAYS OPPOSE PRIVILEGED CLASSES AND PUBLIC PLUNDERERS, NEVER LACK SYMPATHY WITH THE POOR, ALWAYS REMAIN DEVOTED TO THE PUBLIC WELFARE, NEVER BE SATISFIED WITH MERELY PRINTING NEWS, ALWAYS BE DRASTICALLY INDEPENDENT, NEVER BE AFRAID TO ATTACK WRONG, WHETHER BY PREDATORY PLUTOCRACY OR PREDATORY POVERTY. Founded by JOSEPH PULITZER December 12, 1878 JOSEPH PULITZER, EDITOR AND PUBLISHER 1878-101 1 JOSEPH PULITZER, EDITOR AND PUBLISHER 19121955 JOSEPH PULITZER EDITOR AND PUBLISHER 1955 HWII, CHAIRMAN 1979 1993 MICHAEL E. PULITZER, CHAIKMAN AM I'KKSIIWNT NICHOLAS G. PENNIMAN IV, rmiSIHIt WILLIAM F.

WW, mWK FOSTER DAVIS, MANACING KDITUK EDWARD A. H1GG1NS, WITVltWTHKIiVHVHHI WK ma April 10, 1907 JOSEPH PULITZER 900 North Tucker Boulevard 63101 3I4) 340 DUOO EDITORIALS -1 fc.Tt wi mJ lit VCifl ff fi'intLSi-'A y-i im tffts 5 mm umm, mmmmoMm 8 Labor Faces The Future Jim BorgmanCincirtnati Enquirer 'Herb Was Apathetic About Baseball Before It Was LETTERS FROM THE PEOPLE Missouri Right To Life, Operation Rescue and our local Archdiocesan Pro Life Committee, are distancing themselves from the ACLA. Distancing, however, is not enough. Leaders in both our local pro-life and pro-choice groups should come together and declare St. Louis a "quiet zone," a "no tolerating violence" community facturing to service have eroded many of the traditional strengths of organized labor.

Not only has membership suffered just 15 percent of today's non-farm workforce is in unions, compared with 34.7 percent at its peak in 1954 but the clout of labor has waned as well. Strikes are simply not the weapon they once were. In some industries, that weapon is not as necessary as it once was, either. To some extent, cooperation instead of confrontation has been embraced by both sides, as mutual interests have been recognized and nurtured. More often, though, the labor-management relationship has maintained its traditional tension, and the balance of power has shifted steadily and inexorably to the corporate side.

By itself, the merger of the steelworkers, autoworkers and machinists will not stop that trend. No one can be sure the consolidation will even succeed. Companies that grew into multinational congolmer-ates in the 1980s often found out that bigger did not necessarily mean better; just because widely differing parts are brought under the same organization does not mean they will be integrated easily, if at all. Unions may find the same difficulty. If they do succeed, though, the resulting superun-ion could help revitalize the labor movement, not only in the workplace but in Washington, where workers have not had much success lately.

The Contract With America is not one that many union members would be inclined to sign. With the eclipse of its traditional political partner, the Democratic Party, organized labor has suffered. A new spirit of cooperation among unions could help the Democrats rebound as well and once again show that in union, there is strength. No one can be sure if and when the details will be worked out, but conceptually, the planned merger of the machinists', autoworkers' and steelworkers' un-" ions shows that the labor movement has a vision for its future. With the decline in American manufacturing jobs and the corresponding drip in the percentage of U.S.

workers represented by organized labor unions have not had the easiest of times the past several years. With the political climate being another strike against them, union leaders realized they have to change or become irrelevant. Announcement of the merger shows they have chosen to fight, for themselves and for their members. The sheer numbers involved in the proposed merger give an indication of its potential power. The United Automobile Workers claims a membership of 800,000 members, the United Steelworkers of America has 700,000 members and the International Association of Machinists adds nearly 500,000 more.

Together, the merged union would have a strike fund of more than $1 billion, giving renewed muscle to a threat that fewer companies have seemed to take seriously in recent years. As important as the effects on labor-management relations could be the effects on peace within organized labor itself. The steelworkers and the machinists battled each other last year for the right to represent 8,000 workers at USAir. By merging, the unions could avoid such costly and divisive organizing struggles, saving their energy and their money for their primary purpose enhancing the lives and working conditions of their members. That goal has been elusive in recent years.

The consolidation of American firms, the exporting of jobs overseas and the economy's shift from manu Unfortunately, this cannot happen in a court, but only in a free and open public forum. We have asked Gov. Mel Carnahan to reopen the consent decree and create such a forum. Now would be a good time. Fred Striley Dioxin Incineration Response Group Eureka Berger Bite Would someone please explain to me the purpose of Jerry Berger's ridiculous column? I am a working-class person who reads the Post-Dispatch almost every day.

I enjoy most of the contents and have gotten some useful information over the years. I read Berger 's column, also, in the hope that maybe he will write about something that actually matters. To date, I have been absolutely disappointed. Who cares about what rich, pompous, greedy person was seen at some social event or pricey restaurant? Who cares about some snob marrying some other snob? And who cares about what some overpaid, underworked media personality bought last week or who was seen with them? Not me! And not most of the real people of this community who actually work for a living and have more important things to worry about, like rent, the mortgage or if we will be able to send our kids to college. The Everyday section should be for everyday people.

Jason R. Thomas Affton Riverfront Casino Plans Are Back On Track An Open Forum On Dioxin Debate The July 22 article, "County Fights Suit Over Dioxin," reports that Syntex Agribusiness Technologies, the company responsible for cleaning up the eastern Missouri dioxin Superfund sites, has made statements about its lawsuit against St. Louis County that contradict what Syntex and the U.S. EPA have told the public. First, Syntex and the EPA state that the county's dioxin limit is in-vajid because the consent decree contains a formula to limit emissions.

The consent decree only limits emissions by requiring that Syntex obtain certain permits. One of these permits is a St. Louis County air quality permit. Syntex's lawsuit Is intended to circumvent both the consent decree and federal law by removing local control over air emissions. Second, Syntex's statement that "the county's new more stringent standard may not always even be measurable, much less achievable" contradicts previous public statements by both the EPA and Syntex.

The EPA's Nov. 17, 1994, risk assessment for Times Beach states that the level in the county ordinance is about 10 times the minimum measurable emissions level, meaning that it is normally measurable. It also states that the level in the county ordinance would be a "worst-case" emissions level, meaning that it should be easy to achieve. Further, on July 13, 1995, a Syntex representative communicated to the Eureka Lions Club in writing that dioxin emissions from the proposed Times Beach incinerator would be far less than the limit imposed by St. Louis County.

This lawsuit thus implies that either it is lying to the people or it is lying to the court. Third, the article states that the county dioxin limit is six times stricter than the one in the consent decree. There is no such limit in the consent decree. The county limit is six times stricter than the Missouri Department of Natural Resources permits. However, the DNR permit also includes limits on toxic metals in such a way that if metals are emitted, which they certainly will be, less dioxin can be emitted.

Thus, the DNR permit limit may not be substantially different from the county limit. Further, since the DNR has ignored an uncertainty factor of 1,000 in the calculation of risk for developmental health effects in children, a factor of six in the dioxin emissions limit hardly seems worth litigating. Many residents of St. Louis County look forward to the day when all concerned parties come together to achieve a mutually satisfactory solution to dioxin contamination in eastern Missouri. stating clearly and with one voice that St.

Louis will not be divided by outside extremist groups that advocate violence, murder, intimidation and fear. Paula M. Gianino Executive Director Planned Parenthood of the St. Louis Region St. Louis Bad Policy The honoring of Madame Chiang Kai-shek at this time (or any time) is most inopportune and unwise.

With this one event, we have managed to alienate both China and Taiwan. And for what purpose? The corruption and cruelty of the Chiang Kai-shek regime is well-known. It has been documented in hundreds of books and articles, both scholarly and popular. The many idiosyncracies of Madame Chiang are also well known. We criticize the inhumanity of the Beijing government; Now are we making a cogent and relevant point by honoring the inhumanity of an earlier Chinese regime whose human rights violations were thankfully disappearing in the dust of history? Why does U.S.

foreign policy so often seem to be shooting itself in the foot?" Edith E. Graber Creve Coeur Jury Notes While I'm sure many readers of July 16 Everyday section article, "Trials And Tribulations," found the piece interesting reading, one aspect of the piece angered me as a member of the May 1993 Edward Clayborn jury panel. Whether through faulty recol- lection of the events by the illustrator or willful editorializing by the writer, several facts were blatantly misrepresented. The two "white women" (one was black) maintained their not guilty votes to the end, hanging, the jury 9-3 not 1 1-1 as.repre-sented. And the jury foreman was not the "table banger" depicted but was another very vocal member of the panel arguing for a guilty verdict.

None of this changes the result of that particular trial, but to see what was for me such a stressful week culminating in an extremely difficult decision trivialized by such a fanciful account in print was maddening, indeed. Rcnce Martin Louvicr Olivette Christian Activist? The American Coalition of Life Activists, led by David Crane, is tion, known as Riverside North, would reduce the clutter of entertainment boats near the Arch. For a time, it appeared that St. Louis might miss the chance to bring a second gaming venture to the riverfront. The Schoemehl administration had selected Jumer Hotels Casino.

But the Bosley administration reopened the bidding and settled on Gateway Casino Co. After failing to reach a deal with Gateway, the city again solicited new bids and finally chose Entertainment Venture. Mr. Bushong has assured aldermen that all negotiations with Entertainment Venture will be completed before the Port Commission meetingon Aug. 8.

That would leave plenty of time for aldermen to review and debate this agreement when they return from their summer recess in September. Aldermen undoubtedly will be pleased that the city has persuaded Entertainment Venture to finance the garage. After a slow start, the city's negotiations for a second riverfront casino seem to be on track. St. Louis development officials have scored something of a coup by persuading a casino firm, rather than the city, to pick up the tab for a garage that will be needed to accommodate gaming customers visiting a proposed casino north of Laclede's Landing.

The casino firm, St. Louis Entertainment Venture, was selected from four bidders seeking the right to build a barge casino on the site. Once the firm was chosen, the city entered into negotiations to determine, among other things, whether the firm or the city would finance the garage. The downside of the agreement is that the proposed garage would have 2,000 spaces at most, far fewer than what the developers had originally proposed. Those plans called for construction of a garage that was to be built by the city.

The city's development chief, Larry Bushong, also says negotiations still are under way to move the Admiral casino north of Laclede's Landing. The Admiral is now doing business just north of the Gateway Arch. Situating the boat at the new loca scheduling a four-day meeting in St. Louis later this week at Memorial Presbyterian Church. The ACLA was created one year ago when individuals such as Crane left Operation Rescue because of Operation Rescue's pledge of nonviolence.

Crane calls himself a "Christian activist." Over the past three years, he has signed two petitions that support the murdering of physicians who provide abortion services. He also led a protest at the memorial of Dr. David Gunn, carrying signs reading, "Execute Abortionists." And, in January 1994, Crane led a vigil outside the jail where John Salvi was being held in connection with the murders of clinic workers, one a Planned Parenthood em The Politics Of Rich And Poor ployee, in Brookline, another in Virginia. The ACLA is not like other anti-abortion groups. And David Crane, because of his own public actions and words, is considered one of the most extreme and militant leaders in the anti-choice movement.

Even other groups like The debate in Washington over government's role in addressing the gap between the haves and have-nots is all the more appropriate in light of a new Rand Corp. study. It says economic inequality between rich and poor Americans is far worse than most people have assumed. The Rand survey found that the top 5 percent of white families with at least one spouse over 70 years of age have wealth of $655,000 or seven times the $90,000 in wealth held by the median white household. White households in the bottom 10 percent have less than $800, the study said.

The study found that the typical white household with members between the ages of 51 and 61 had less than $18,000 in assets and savings exclusive of real estate. It also said typical black and Hispanic households in the same age groups had less than $500 in similar assets. The study said some of the- differences in the wealth can be accounted for by higher divorce levels that apparently affect savings behavior. Poor families tend to have poorer health, one key determinant of wealth, the study added. Rand may be off base, however, in explaining some causes of this economic disparity.

It says Social Security is the only source of wealth for many poor families and adds that this program gives such families no incentive to save for their retirement. It could be argued, too, that the families are simply too poor to put aside private savings. Still, Rand's findings need to be made part of the current debate over whether government's role in society should be enlarged or reduced. President Bill Clinton argues that Republican lawmakers want to gut spending on programs that help the poor and the elderly in order to, in effect, expand the incomes of the rich through a tax cut. Such unenlightened policies from past years may well explain at least part of the widening economic gap between this nation's rich and its poor.

Accusation Of Cronyism Is Unfair The NRA Fiddles With The Truth fake one? The most basic issue is one of honesty. If the writer of a letter refuses to even tell the truth about his own identity, how can readers believe anything else he says? In the case of Blackman-Fiddleman, the deception comes at a time when the NRA is waging a fierce battle for the hearts and minds of the American people on the inflammatory issue of gun control. By writing letters under his properties, and did so to maintain quality control of the neighborhood in which it had invested more than $25 million. The editorial cites the Department of Housing and Urban Development as an authority by stating it "raised questions" about my role. It is one of HUD's roles to raise questions.

All questions were satisfactorily answered by SLHA and a contract was executed between SLHA and me after the questions were raised and after consultation with HUD. Finally, the editorial states that "Dr. La Vert Morrow, the new chair of Regional's board, should make ending such deals one of his first orders of I have given notice to the board that I am ending my contract Aug. 31. The agreement with Robert Salter, as I understand it, is ended as of the conclusion of his current assignment.

Therefore, it would seem to me that the first order of business for Morrow and the rest of Regional's board is the survival of Regional Medical Center for the benefit of the underserved indigent of our community. That has been my objective since day one. Thomas J. Mangogna St. Louis cided to go a step further and call into question a previous contract I had with the St.

Louis Housing Authority. The editorial indicates that I had a consulting contract with SLHA while I contracted with SLHA "to manage some of its housing complexes." That is simply not true. A check of the public records on this matter would show: (1) Midtown Medical Center Redevelopment my employer, contracted with SLHA to manage 31 units in the MMCRC Redevelopment area. (2) MMCRC had been managing those same 31 units since 1982, four years before my arrival at MMCRC. (3) MMCRC won another contract to manage those same properties six months after I left their employ and more than two years after I stopped working for SLHA.

(4) The contracts to manage the units were competitively bid. MMCRC won those bids by being the low bidder. (5) I had nothing to do with the bid process directly or indirectly. MMCRC was the lowest-cost contractor for managing any SLHA property during this whole time. MMCRC accepted a virtual breakeven situation in managing the A July 26 editorial raised questions about a consulting contract developed between the Board of Directors of Regional Health Care Corp.

and me. In August 1994, when the contract was being contemplated and negotiated, I requested that the board make a public announcement regarding the issue and answer any questions that might be raised up front. The board considered my request at a meeting that I did not attend, as the contract itself was being discussed, and, in its discretion, decided not to honor my request. That being said, I believe your characterization of the board's action as "cronyism" is unwarranted and unfair. The board, composed of dedicated professionals, knew then that Regional was facing very challenging and critical issues and time was of the essence.

I was already spending up to 25 hours a week on Regional business and had been doing so for months. That was a pace I could not continue. With those critical issues needing immediate attention, the board decided to enter into the contractual arrangement. Honest people can disagree on the wisdom of that course of action. However, the Post-Dispatch de In rapid-fire succession after the National Rifle Association's misleading involvement in an investigation into Waco came news of another attempt to deceive the public.

This time, the research coordinator for the association's lobbying arm admitted writing dozens of letters and essays to newspapers under an assumed name. He says he found it easier to get his opinions published without using his NRA. identification, but such underhanded methods do not help his credibility or the NRA's. The deception of Paul H. Blackman, alias Theodore H.

Fiddleman, was finally unmasked by The Washington Post, which had been one of the victims of his scheme. Initially, Mr. Blackman said the fictitious Mr. Fiddleman was a friend living at his home while he was getting a divorce. Finally, he admitted he had used the fake name since the 1970s.

He claimed his bosses at the NRA did not know about the Fiddleman fiasco, but a former NRA official said such a practice was not uncommon. Why should it matter whether an NRA official writes his opinions under his own name or under a own name and under his pseudonym, Mr. Blackman creates the misleading impression that his views have more widespread support than they really do. Newspapers do their best to avoid being duped, but they can't investigate every submission. Anyone determined to perpetrate fraud will probably find a way to succeed, at least for a while.

Eventually, their lies are likely to be uncovered. Only then can members of the public decide for themselves how much they are willing to believe people who feel that their cause is more important than the truth. For the NRA, credibility that was already weak has taken one more hit. If it can only make its case through deception, its case must not be very strong. f..