St. Louis Post-Dispatch from St. Louis, Missouri • Page 42

Stretching Out Hie Indochina War ST. LOUIS POST-DISPATCH mndii by JOSEPH PULITZER Dectmbcr 12, 187J second consideration, which he stated before the ASNE as "the ability of the South Vietnamese to develop the capacity to defend themselves against a Communist takeover, not the sure capacity, but at least the chance." The Thieu-Ky regime in Saigon, which Mr. Nixon is seeking to retain in power in the August and October elections, does not have the support of the South Vietnamese people and cannot continue in power without U.S. support. The only way to a constructive U.S.

withdrawal is through negotiation that would leave a viable government in which all Vietnamese political elements were represented definitely not the Thieu-Ky junta. This could readily be brought about if the United States would let it be known it was dropping its insistence on retaining the Thieu-Ky regime. It could be done in a single step, simply by accepting the retirement of the aging Ambassador Bunker. Then the South Vietnamese would have a greater opportunity to elect a government that would negotiate an end to the war. A serious danger in Mr.

Nixon's sterile policy is that it may promote the very end he professes to want to avoid chaos. As he withdraws more American troops from Vietnam after extending the fighting into Cambodia and Laos, the enemy may take the initiative. And then, once more, all bets would be off. Mr. Nixon says he has not given up on the Paris peace talks; why not some real negotiation right now? THE POST-DISPATCH PLATFORM I KNOW THAT MY RETIREMENT WILL MAKE NO DIFFERENCE IN ITS CARDINAL PRINCIPLES, THAT IT WILL ALWAYS FIGHT FOR PROGRESS AND REFORM, NEVER TOLERATE INJUSTICE OR CORRUPTION, ALWAYS FIGHT DEMAGOGUES OF ALL PARTIES, NEVER BELONG TO ANY PARTY, ALWA-YS OPPOSE PRIVILEGED CLASSES AND PUBLIC PLUNDERERS.

NJVER LACK SYMPATHY WITH THE POR, ALWAYS REMAIN DEVOTED TO THE PUBLIC WELFARE, NEVER BE SATISFIED WITH MERELY PRINTING NEWS, ALWAYS BE DRASTICALLY INDEPENDENT, NEVER BE AFRAID TO ATTACK WRONG. WHETHER BY PREDATORY TLUTOCRACY OR PREDATORY POVERTY. JOSEPH PULITZER April 10. 1907 Sunday, April 18, 1971 Letters From The People A Military Maverick strongly support your editorial praising Capt. Aubrey M.

Daniel III, the Army prosecutor in the Calley case who spoke his; mind so forcefully and eloquently to President Nixon. I I-do not support your assumption that were he not already scheduled to leave the Army, his letter to the i would assure a road block on promotions and subsequent assignments. Surely you cannot believe that the military is so monolithic that dissenting views are not spoken, both formally and informally. The extent to which the military services as a whole suppress legitimate dissent is grossly overestimated in the public mind. I spent thirty happy years in the military as a maverick, motivated by the belief that if a.

man didn't have the courage to speak his mind while in uniform, he didn't have the' integrity to speak it after he took off the. suit. My outspokenness was widely known throughout the Navy and respected. The result was a full and enjoyable career with all the choice duty assignments. I could probably not have been appointed to my present position with the University of Missouri without such a background.

Military people are just like other human beings they often fail to speak out at a great many things which happen because they, too, don't want to get involved. Yet in spite of the unifying effect of a disciplined life, one would probably find that the military speaks out more on the average than the local laborer against his foreman, the reporter against his editor, or the editor against his corporate owner. The civilian can be fired even if admired; the military can be admired but rarely fired. Perhaps what we should both do is to urge the Commander in Chief to keep this outstanding young man in uniform. We need him.

Capt. Paul R. Schratz, USN (Ret.) Director International Studies University of Missouri at St. Louis Wrong Direction As a property owner and a businessman in the St. Louis metropolitan area, it disturbs me greatly when I hear of talk of moving the airport facility to the state of Illinois.

In my opinion, this would be a step in the wrong direction. We read that it would be 19 miles closer to place the airport at Columbia, 111. The question is 19 miles closer to what? It may be 19 miles closer to the Arch but it That Truck, Now' In appearing before the American Society of Newspaper Editors in Washington President Nixon had a splendid opportunity to restate and modify his Indochina policy to bring it into accord with the facts and the desires of the American people. But what he did was to assert implicitly a formula for indefinite involvement in Indochina, not withdrawal; in other words, something like permanent occupation. We do not think this will be acceptable to the American people.

There is a rising tide for total withdrawal and done with this dreadful experience. Mr. Nixon must be sensitive to the national mood, but he appears intent on slaving off the day of reckoning because his advisers cannot think of anything else to do. It is disheartening, to say the least, that there is so little imagination, so little flexibility, in Washington. In the guise of a policy to obtain the release of United States military men held prisoner by the North Vietnamese Mr.

Nixon is pursuing a course calculated to keep them in bondage for Washington's use as a bargaining pawn. He will not completely withdraw from Vietnam until the prisoners are released, he says, which is an unreasonable attitude if the release of the captives is in reality a primary consideration. Mr. Nixon can have the prisoners released promptly as part of a preliminary agreement that will include a U.S. withdrawal date within a reasonable time.

If Mr. Nixon really intended to withdraw the American presence this could be readily negotiated with Hanoi. But there is Challenge For Senator Ribicoff is continuing his fight against de facto segregation in the North on a different front with better tactics this year. Last year the Connecticut Senator, disturbed by the North's insistence on ending Southern segregation while refusing to look at its own yard, supported the Stennis amendment. This, we thought, was a mistake.

The Stennis amendment in theory would have required the Government to make uniform school desegregation efforts throughout the country. Thus it would in practice have slowed the good work against legal, or de jure, segregation in the South. It is a fact, however, that the country outside the South is as segregated as the South and sometimes more so, because of residential patterns. The growth of white suburbs ringing black core cities is already history, and little has been done about it. Senator Ribicoff offers two bills to do something.

One would threaten loss of governmental school funds to all schools in cities of 50,000 or more and their suburbs unless, by 1983, each of the schools enrolled half the percentage of minority children living in the metropolitan Up, Up And Away It hardly seems logical to raise the price of a product that is not selling well, but that is what the airlines have been allowed to do. The Civil Aeronautics Board has authorized a 6 per cent increase in domestic air fares and a 12 per cent rate of profit on total investment in place of the present 10.5 per cent. Like every industry, the airlines have been hurt by inflation and we would agree that they are entitled to fare increases to compensate for the higher cost of doing business. But it would seem that such compensation had been obtained through the 3 per cent increase authorized in 1970 and the raises totaling 10 per cent in 1969. If airline travel fell off last year in the face of fare hikes in 1969 and 1970, it is difficult to believe that another increase in 1971 will stimulate travel.

Two members of the CAB said as much in their dissent. By permitting the 6 per cent increase, it seems to us, the CAB is saying that the public ought to recompense the airlines for losses arising in part from bad business judgment they invested heavily in new equipment at the very time air travel was beginning to drop off when the stockholders should rightfully bear that expense. Moreover, since the airlines themselves attribute the drop in air travel (actually it was not a decline but a sharply curtailed rate of increase) to the recession, the answer to their financial plight would seem to be a return to the kind of economic conditions that stimulated air travel. A fare increase is not going to reestablish those conditions. The first quarter GNP figures suggest that an economic resurgence is underway; at the very least, then, the CAB could have waited to see whether the economic recovery would provide the airlines with more passengers and, hence, more revenue, permitting a smaller increase or making it altogether unnecessary.

i Trail Of Stumps Senator Gale McGee of Wyoming has held two days of hearings on the practice of clear-cutting of forest on public lands, and we would not blame him for being both puzzled and annoyed by various defenses of the practice. Logging on national lands is not supposed to exceed the rate of forest growth. However, witnesses said loggers now were leveling all trees in some areas rather than cutting timber selectively. Conservationists charge that clear-cutting is devastating some national forest lands. The U.S.

Forest Service took the position that it was capable of judging such practices. An officer of the American Society of Foresters said clear-cutting actually was intended to help regenerate forests. A spokesman for the plywood industry said clear-cutting enhanced the environment because birds and small game thrived in the barren areas, and a lumber company officer said clear-cutting reduced the cost of lumber. Taking these arguments one by one, the Forest Service is supposed to be protecting forests, not acquiescing in their destruction; the idea of destroying forests to create new ones hardly sounds like necessary public policy, and if clear-cutting enhances the environment, why a is a The North area. Thus if black children constituted 40 per cent of the metropolitan school population, each metropolitan school would have to reach a 20 per cent black enrollment by 1983.

The other Ribicoff bill would require communities accepting new federal and state installations or facilities to build low and moderate income housing adequate for their employes. The housing would receive federal assistance. This measure is aimed at entrance of minority groups into white suburbs. It could be fairly effective, since federal contractors produce at least one fourth of the gross national product. The Immediate difficulty facing the Ribicoff bills is that they run counter to the Nixon Administration philosophy of not "forcing" integration, and counter to the attitude of Congress before an election campaign.

Nevertheless, the measures challenge Congress and the Administration to face up to the fact that segregation no longer an institution "peculiar" to the South. Seventeen years after the Supreme Court's school desegregation ruling, it is time to face facts. not just remove all forests? We do not doubt the practice reduces the cost of lumber to the lumber companies. Senator McGee proposes legislation requiring moratorium on clear-cutting and creating an independent commission to study the Forest Service's management of public forests. The commission might start by asking whether these forests really do belong to the public.

15 Cents A Vote The reported agreement between Democratic and Republican Senators on a bill to limit campaign expenditures is another encouraging sign that such legislation may be enacted by this Congress. The first sign of hope came late last month when the Administration, which had been equivocating on the issue ever since President Nixon vetoed a bill that would have limited spending on television and radio only, unexpectedly gave its support to several important provisions of a Democratic measure now before a Senate subcommittee. The new bill reportedly will include a formula setting a single spending ceiling for advertise ments in all media in national campaigns. At 14 or 15 cents for each eligible voter in the 1972 election, the limit would be some well above the $12,700,000 spent on radio and television by the Republican Party to elect Mr. Nixon.

The limit is a generous one, to be sure, perhaps too much so. Even so, however, it is a vast and necessary improvement over current regulations, which go unenforced and which have allowed campaign costs to soar out of control. Repeal Is The Answer The House Judiciary Committee has voted for repeal of one of the most disgraceful laws in American history the 1950 Emergency Detention Act. The Judiciary Committee's frank appraisal of the law may be contrasted with the idea of the House Internal Security Committee that the act should be "improved." What the law says is that the President, in times of emergency, could order the detention of anyone the Government thought had been or might be involved in spying or sabotage-no trial needed. At one time the Government actually opened six detention camps, preparing for the day.

But these were later abandoned and the Nixon Administration has urged repeal of the law to quell fears that it might be used. That is a good enough reason. But not for the Internal Security, formerly Un-American Activities, Committee, led by Representative Ichord of Missouri. This group wants to keep the law but let Congress in on it, by requiring congressional approval of an emergency before the Government could start rounding up suspects. The two committee bills now go to the House Rules Committee, which will decide which reaches the floor for a vote.

We do not see how the Rules Committee could agree to an extension of what amounts to a concentration camp law in this country. The only answer to that law ought to be oblivion. 'Look Out For Health Care For Insurance Plan Would Reform By Senator Edward M. Kennedy (From speech at a meeting of the Machinist on-Partisan Political League Planning Committee in Washington.) In essence, the National Health Security Act has two broad purposes first, to create a system of comprehensive national health insurance for the United States; and, second, to use the insurance program as a lever to bring major improvements to the organization and delivery of health care, so that we may guarantee the same high quality health care to every man, woman, and child in the nation. The Health Security Program rests squarely on our firm conviction that these dual objectives financing health care and reforming the health system must be accomplished simultaneously.

We cannot af-The Mirror ford the luxury of attempting to i the health care Of system before we embark on national health insurance. The Public Opinion argument that we must change the system first is the aame counsel of delay and despair that has blocked progress in health care for nearly half a century, fens of millions of our people are dead because this sophistry has prevailed in the past. Beginning on July 1, 1973, every individual residing in the United States will become eligible to receive health benefits under the program. There will be no requirement of past individual contributions, as in Social Security. There will be no means test, as in medicaid.

With certain modest limitations, the program will provide comprehensive health benefits for every person. These benefits will cover the entire range of personal health care services, including the prevention and early detection of disease, the care and treatment of illness, and medical rehabilitation. There are no cutoff dates, no coinsurance, no deductibles, and no waiting periods. The only test is the need for medical care. Thus, the program provides full coverage for physicians' services, in-patient and out-patient hospital services.

It also provides full coverage for other professional and supporting services, such as eye care, and for a variety of medical devices and appliances. At the beginning, the most essential feature of the 'Naaah. Naaah' Pathways To The From The Des Moines Register The pathways to the Age of Aquarius seem littered with the same old debris. There it litter in the literal sense garbage, junk, waste, material ugliness and there is litter in the figurative sense rudeness, vulgarism, obscenities, human degradation. Ours is an age of push, shove, snarl and growl an age in which the Golden Rule has been repealed.

Social historians of a future eon would have little difficulty getting documentary evidence for calling our time the Age of the Slob. Who begs pardon these days? Who sends regrets? Who apologizes for thoughtlessness? More and more people apparently believe that belligerence and offensive behavior are marks of power and superiority. Philip G. Zimbardo, a Stan J20 Every American Financing And Delivery Of Care program will be the Resources Development Fund, which will come into operation as soon as legislation is enacted. The principal virtue of the fund is that it can be used to channel money into areas where the problems of the existing system are especially critical.

Thus, far more support will be available for these areas than is possible under the current piecemeal system of congressional authorization and appropriation for ongoing categorical programs. At the outset, the Resources Development Fund will be used to lay the groundwork for the full program by supporting a broad range of innovative health programs, particularly in areas like manpower, education, training, group practice, and other methods to improve the delivery of health care. Once the ongoing program begins, the fund will be used to keep the health system responsive to the evolving needs of society. The administration of the Health Security Program will be carried out by a five-member full-time Health Security Board, appointed by the President with the advice and consent of the Senate. Members of the board will serve five-year terms, and will be under the authority of the Secretary of Health, Education and Welfare.

The regional and local field administration of the program will be carried out through the existing HEW regions, as well as through the approximately 100 health subareas that now exist as natural medical market-places in the nation. Consumer representatives will play a central role in every aspect of the program's administration. Advisory councils with consumer majorities will be created at all levels of administration of the program. Every local office will function as a consumer ombudsman, representing the interest of all the citizens served by the program. In addition, the Health Security Program contains incentives for consumer organizations, including trade unions, to participate directly in the program and to play a greater role in health affairs.

The Resources Development Fund gives consumer organizations broad new access to funds to develop innovative approaches to the organization and delivery of health care. Indeed, I believe that the program will launch a new era of consumer-sponsored health plans, capable of rivaling even the most powerful doctor-sponsored and insurance-sponsored plans we know today. Never before have consumer groups had access to the sort of technical assistance, planning funds, and development funds that will be available under the Health Security Program. For the first time in the health history of America, consumer groups will be able to stand on an equal footing with every other major health interest group in the nation. Finally, I would like to comment briefly on what has already become a highly charged political issue the cost of the Health Security Program.

In 1970, Americans paid a total of 41 billion dollars for health care services that would have been covered by the Health Security Program if the program had been in effect. Thus, the cost of the Health Security Program for 1970 would have been 41 billion dollars. But and this is the crucial point the 41 billion figure is not new money. Americans are still going to pay the same 41 billion for their health care, whether we have a Health Security Program or not. The real question is are.

we going to continue to pour tens of billions of dollars into the wasteful, inadequate, and inefficient system of health care we know today, or are we going to spend those funds in a system that gives us full value for our money and closes the gap between promise and performance in modern health care? Age Of 'The Slob' ford University psychologist, concluded that bad behavior reflects a despairing sense of depersonalization. A computer number, after all, isn't a person. Zimbardo suggested that many Americans take an attitude expressed this way: "If no one knows who I am, what difference does it make what I do?" There is the waitress who, upon hearing that the meat is overdone, snaps, "If you don't like the food here, why don't you go someplace else?" There is the teen-ager feeling manhood as he sits behind the steering wheel, gunning the motor and peeling off at the slightest hint of green on the traffic light. Or the beer-belching character who sits entranced in front of the TV set, unknowing, unthinking, unfeeling. Civilization is not self-perpetuating.

It can succumb to the barbarians. certainly is not 19 miles closer to the heart of the area of population of those utilizing our existing airport. The purchase of ground and building the facility is not the only money involved when the overall cost is considered. A fair analysis of cost should consider the total investment that industry has made locating near the existing airport. If the cost of relocating industry were to be considered in the overall picture, it is my judgment that the initial cost of a new airport would be dwarfed by the cost of relocations.

My personal preference would be to maintain Lambert Field as a passenger airport and to place strategically outlying fields near industry to serve the air freight requirements. In this manner, industry located in the extreme western part of the metropolitan area would have their air freight brought to them, almost to their door, rather than to Columbia. By the same token, industry in Granite City cOuld be served by air freight in their area. Kenneth J. Greening Hazelwood Government-Owned Planes? The airline industry has become the principal means of transportation in long distance commercial travel in the United States.

This is fine, except for the dis-quieting fact that the rising costs of planes are taking the tickets out of the 'hands of the general public, and the airlines are feeling the economic strain caused by partially filled flights. It seems to me that a major portion of the financial problems faced by both the carriers and the traveler could be solved by public ownership of airframes. The air-Vies would become franchcised operators and fares could be reduced to a point that would put them within reach of those not now able to purchase tickets. Increased air traffic, of course, would 'cause problems that in themselves would have to find solutions. Raymond L.

Crowley Jr. Brentwood 2C.